ETHNICITY AND POLITICAL INTEGRATION IN NIGERIA

 CHAPTER ONE

1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

The Sub-Saharan Africa by reference has cultural diversities which seem to pose serious challenge to political integration due to ill-informed citizenship and indigeneship identity clues. Unarguably, during the colonial domination the colonial policies in most of African countries succeeded by implanting the seed of division and the effect of which began to manifest in the post colonial State. Thus, they exploited the relative and the real pluralist nature of the continent to their socio-economic and political advantages (Manby 2009, Abdulsalam 2011). However, citizenship and indigeneship crisis more often on the basis of ethnic chauvinism and religious jingoism has slow down the desire for political integration and thereby affecting the wave of patriotic nationalist spirit due to continued resistance by forces of ethnic, regional and religious enclaves. The origin of these divisive characters in identity in Africa and Nigeria in particular, has been closely linked to the colonial heritage. African post-colonial history in this order shows how difficult it has been to create a functioning polity from scratch among peoples without a history of common political organization. But surprisingly how persistent was the attachment to the units created by the colonizers (Manby 2009). 

The experience in Nigeria revealed that, prior to independence; the elite were united in fighting the colonialist for self government. This spirit of nationalism that became prominent after the world war II in 1945, perhaps coincided with the birth of three regional structures in 1946 which brought together for the first time the northern and the southern Nigerian elites under the legislative council for deliberation in matters that affects them (Osaghae and Suberu 2005). As the prospects for independence was in pipeline in the 1950s constitutional conferences, the minority questions and regional politics on the basis of North-South dichotomy took a center stage. Overall, on the larger context, one of the biggest challenges that confronted most African countries after the departure of the colonialists was the fragmentation character base on ethnic, regional and religious divisions, only that the degree of identity consciousness varies base on socio-cultural and historical experiences. This mythical notion was solely a divide and rule tactics for European domination, as attested to by Nnoli (1978) that; “it was the illegitimacy of the colonizer and oppressor which necessitated the creation of the myth of the inferior “native” as an instrument of domination” and by extension complete alienation of the colonized African. This development later manifested in the post colonial elite power struggle which assumed different dimensions with unique features and implications for African societies (Atim 2011). 

The Nigerian state is one of the sharply divided countries of Africa south of the Sahara having a plethora of ethnic and linguistic variance, in addition to large adherents of the religions of Islam and Christianity. The defunct autonomous powerful regions of Northern, Eastern, Western and subsequently Mid-Western were in fierce competition for regional interest. While this development is ongoing by the federating units in protecting their individual regional interests, there were agitations expressed by the minorities within each of the regions in fear of dominance by the majority ethnic groups of Hausa, Igbo and the Yoruba even before the independence which necessitate the Willinks commission in 1957. 

Amongst the hitherto regions, Northern Nigeria is one of the complex and diverse among the regions in the country especially the central area popularly refer to as the ‘Middle Belt Region’ (sic) with a plethora of ethnic and linguistic groups sharing a religious affiliations and other divergent cultural practices. However, the management of this complexity and diversity has, for the greater part of its history, provided a dynamic framework for the peaceful co-existence of all Nigerians and the greatest sense of its strength, (Bobboyi and Yakubu 2005). Evidently, Plateau State is among the states after Taraba and Adamawa with concentrations of ethnic minorities in Nigeria thus, Plateau account for over 52 ethnic groups spread across its 17 local government areas (L.G.A’s). These diverse ethnic groups were of Benue-Congo and Chadic Sub-group of language (Best 2007, Elaigwu 2004 in Bobboyi and Yakubu 2005, Alubo 2006). Among the Chadic speakers are the Ngas, Mwaghavul, Mupun, Goemai, Montol, Ron, Kulere, Doemak, Mernyang, Fier etc, they are predominantly in the central zone of the state with others in the southern zone. The Benue-Congo speakers includes the Berom, Afizere, Anaguta, Amo, Buji, Jere, Irigwe, etc, are predominantly found in the northern zone of the state, (Best 2007). 

Indeed, ethnic differences in Plateau state and Nigeria in general, lead to series of conflict which challenge the existence of the Nigerian state in many instances. The unique diverse nature of Plateau state before the violent eruption of conflict in 2001, the state was characterized by peaceful coexistence without rancor for many years. Hence the 2001 incident was the last stroke that broke the camel’s back. Since then, there was series of crises rocking the state which in many instances was instigated by (sic) politico-economic, ethnic and religious divisions (Best, 2007). 

The conflict in Jos covers infinite range of behaviors of people which portrays a clash of interest and the perception of the existing groups defined by ethnic, religious, and cultural variance among other affiliations. This is the particularly the reason why the conflict is termed ethno-religious because of the coloration it exhibited during the time period. Conflict could be described as a situation of disharmony in an interaction process. It is also a situation in which the activity of one is actually or forcibly imposed at unacceptable costs, materials or psychic upon one another, (Banks, 1984).

Building on the above scenario, throughout the ages, conflict has been an integral part of social co-existence across diverse interests and social values. Conflict in this perspective could be covert or overt in nature, but fundamentally, the resort to violence and open confrontation is what the authority must as a matter of urgency manage at best to its barest minimum.  Conflict is neither good nor bad, but intrinsic in every social relationship from marriage to international diplomacy, wherever, two or more people are gathered there is conflict or potential conflict. Thus, the real issue is not the existence of conflict but how it is handled, (Derby 1995).

This study is premise to explore the Jasawa community citizenship/indigeneship crisis in its real or mythical sense that persistently agonized and alienate them in their quest for political integration in Plateau state particularly in Jos North L.G.A. A thing of significance to note is that, what is central to the conflict revolves on the contested city of Jos, which was founded in the early part of the 20th century with a cosmopolitan population having residents drawn from different part of the country and beyond. Therefore, substantial parts of the inhabitants happen to be the Hausa, Kanuri, Yoruba, Igbo, Fulani, Nupe, Urhobo, other Nigerians and Africans (Abdulsalam 20). Amongst the aforementioned groups, the major ones are the Hausa, Kanuri and Fulani ethnic groups whom through inter-ethnic marriages together form a distinct socio-cultural identity referred to here as Jasawa in this study whose goals and aspirations are more often than not incompatible with the Beroms, Anaguta and Afizere ethnic groups (BAA), whom were believed to have settled in the area prior to the Hausa, Kanuri, Fulani and other Nigerians who arrived at the beginning of the 20th century in large numbers (ibid).

The trio ethnic groups of Berom, Afizere and Anaguta (BAA) have an uncompromising stand as regards to the ownership of Jos. On this basis, ethnicity and religious affiliation of the Jasawa community on one hand and the BAA on the other hand is the strongest identity rider and driver to the conflict. Thus, the BAA, they believed to be the indigenous native or at best the autochthons with exclusive privilege and government patronage, hence, the exclusion of the Jasawa community who are in a dilemma for recognition as equally indigenous in Jos North. In a way, the underlying claims and counter claims instigate conflict of interest that touches on the socio-economic, political, ethnic, religious, citizenship and indigeneship phenomenon.

1.2 STATEMENT OF RESEARCH PROBLEM

Exploring the nature and causes of the conflict in Jos, revealed that political integration is a dependent variable on citizenship status and indigeneship recognition  as it affect the Jasawa community in Jos North which is central to the recurring conflict over the years after creation of Jos North LG in 1991. The Hausa ethnic group in the defunct Northern Region constituted the majority against myriad of other ethnic nationalities. As development ensued in federal structure in balkanization of regions to states, the Hausa stock due to this alteration found themselves relegated to a minority group in Plateau state even though numerically they constitute the majority ethnic group in Jos north. Hence, it may appear ironical in this sense, but truthfully there was emergence of new majority ethnic groups in collectives led by the Berom in alliance with over 50 other relative ethnic groups whose line of faith is coincidentally Christianity. While, on the other hand the Jasawa community or the Hausa population in Jos-Plateau majority of whom are Muslims. This is perhaps what constitutes the paradox that requires significant attention in the quest by the Jasawa socio-cultural identity to be fully recognized as indigenes of Jos North, countering their marginal status in relation to the BAA. 

Nonetheless, the historical antecedents of migration of the Hausa and other ethnic groups from Northern Nigeria who share certain socio-cultural characteristics underscore the current trend of the bitter conflict of indigene/settler identity manifestation between the Hausa and the Natives of Berom, Anaguta and Afizere ethnic groups. 

Jasawa community forms a substantial population in Jos and environs and engaged in various forms of socio-economic activities in Jos Plateau. Nevertheless, the group desire for political integration and indeed power equation within the local politics in the grassroots has so far generated intense conflict and violence in the struggle for citizenship and indigeneship rights and indeed share of state economic resources. 

Therefore, they questioned the infringement of their political rights to contest an election into the local government council, even though the Jasawa community had been elected severally into the regional/national legislative council and indeed into the state legislative arm since the first Republic. But the community’s quagmire still remains on the political integration in local government control at the grassroots level specifically the chairmanship position. 

Moreover, Jasawa community in Jos North in this context of study are considered marginalized and politically impoverish due to the group marginal role in state affairs on the Plateau in terms of political appointment and representation at the state government institutions. Other gray area of contention, is manifested in terms of employment into the local and state civil service, government patronage in contract, issuance of certificate of indigene, issuance of certificate of land ownership (C of O), admission into higher institutions of learning owned by the state, state scholarship and the often neglect on site of infrastructural projects among other things within the Jasawa community. 

This study examines the agitation of Jasawa community for equal space in respect to citizenship and indigeneship rights as a driver for integration in the political sphere of Plateau politics. This is what the study considers a problem worthy of attention. Hence a number of questions were raised. 

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The thesis broadly raised research questions to investigate and explore who are the Jasawa community. What is the community’s disposition as regards to the socio-economic and political space of Jos? Where does the community feel cheated and disenchanted in the scheme of things within the territory they occupy and consider so dearly? When did the conflicts of indigene/settler become an arrow head in political contest between the Jasawa community and the BAA? How has been the relationship between the Jasawa and their perception by the BAA ethnic groups? And why has there been a bitter battle as to who gets what, when and how in the politics of Jos north local government council in particular and Plateau state in general? Indeed the above questions are raised in broad terms of the thesis, but is further narrowed down to specific questions deem fit as manageable to achieve the research objectives, framed in the questions under.

In order that the research attains its stated objectives, the following questions are raised;

1.To what extent has ethnicity manifested to ethnic conflict in respect to Jasawa community that continuously generates tension with the BAA in Jos North?

2.What are the challenges of ethnicity to political integration of the Jasawa community in Jos?

3.What other factors are responsible for alienating the Jasawa community in the political control of Jos North other than ethnicity?

1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH

This research study is set to achieve the following objectives;

1.To examine the extent to which ethnicity manifested to ethnic conflict between the Jasawa community and the BAA in Jos North.

2.To investigate into the challenges of ethnicity as it affect the political integration of the Jasawa community in Jos North.

3.To explore the factors responsible for alienation of the Jasawa community in the political control of Jos North other than ethnicity.

1.5 RESEARCH ASSUMPTIONS

In order that the study attains its objectives guided by the research questions, the following propositions are considered;

Manipulation of ethnicity in the historical origins of Hausa migration and the acclaimed autochthons of the BAA manifested to ethnic conflict between the Jasawa community and the Natives in Jos North.

The Jasawa community is faced with myriad of challenges that requires multiple approaches for properly integration in the realms of political activities of Jos North.

Many factors other than ethnicity in respect to ethno-religious identity of the Jasawa community account for their alienation in political activities in Jos North.

1.6 JUSTIFICATION 

This study in a way has departed from the myriad of researches conducted previously by other scholars on the scope of the study area in recent years, which borders on the conflict circle and violent confrontation between and among communities. However, on this note, this study is set to examine, investigate and explore the nature of the ethnic coloration of the lingering conflict that hinders the political integration of the Jasawa community in Plateau State, visa-vise the ethno-religious and political identity of the competing groups.

Summarily, in view of the above, this study is considered significant based on the following reasons;

The significant point of departure in this study is the attention it gives to the Jasawa community as their plight in Jos North in particular and Plateau State in general.

This study will also provide an overview of the historical buildup of the Jasawa community identity in relation to the Berom, Anaguta and Afizere in Jos North. 

Again the study is significant as it will provide an alternative explanation to the ethno-religious conflicts that bedeviled Plateau State since mid-1990s and 2000s, particularly in the city center.

1.7 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

The scope to cover by the study is the Jasawa community visa-vise their identity formation which evolves as a socio-cultural group consciousness in quest for political recognition and integration within the ambit of Jos North in Plateau State. Similarly, scope of the study area prior to its present status, is the former Jos Division in Plateau province which covers an extensive area in the present day Jos North, Jos South, Barkin Ladi and Bassa Local Government Areas respectively. Consequently, there were five Hausa village areas that existed as mining camps which include Jos Native Town, Bukuru, Gana, Dorawa and Gurum (Hassan 2006, 2014). In the above mentioned areas, economic migration in mines labour and trade were the basis for the large population present of the Hausa Muslims stock on the Plateau particularly at the beginning of the 20th century. Furthermore, the study in respect to the concept of Jasawa identity will be limited only to old Jos Native Town and environs and by extension the present day Jos North L.G.A. This is because the consciousness of Jasawa identity falls within the purview of this area. The study is limited only to the Jasawa community and their political plight as the case may be.

1.8      CHAPTER OUTLINE

The study is structured into six chapters. Chapter one covers the background to the study, statement of research problem, research questions, objectives of the study, research assumptions,  justification, scope and limitations, and lastly chapter outline. Chapter two shall be dedicated to review of related literature thematically outlined and also the theoretical framework suitable in the analysis of the phenomena. Chapter three, deals with the methodology employed which capture the sources and instrument of data collection, area of the study, population of the study, sample size, method of population sampling, sampling procedure and method of data presentation and analysis. While chapter four deals with the geography and location of Jos, the tin mining prospect and the British expedition, the creation of Jos North LG in 1991, and the emergence of Ulama’u/Elders council in political affairs of Jasawa community in Jos. Chapter five shall deal with data presentation and analysis of findings in the study. Chapter six shall summarize the research work and draw a conclusion